Here's one source that discusses the topic.

Another favourite technique for managing national memory is the myth of heroism, or what one might call the fanciful half-truth. In France, during the Second World War, the Vichy government actively collaborated with the Nazis and volunteered to deport Jews even before they were asked to do so. At the same time, General de Gaulle, the leader of the Free French movement, organized his famed resistance out of London. At the end of the war, when the Allies won and de Gaulle returned home in triumph, it was deemed important to ’forget about’ Vichy as quickly as possible in order to re-establish republican France once again. This was accomplished by creating the myth that there had been universal resistance to the Nazis during the war, by purges of the most visible collaborators — often with summary trials and executions — and by delivering blanket amnesties so that no one else could ever be tried. This suited just about everyone, as you may well imagine; and the myth of universal resistance has been taught to French schoolchildren ever since. So powerful was this construction of the past that it is only now beginning to crumble as the generation that lived through the war disappears — and as the government courageously pursues a new policy of trying French citizens for crimes against humanity. In Long Shadows, I take the reader with me to the trial of the Vichy civil servant Maurice Papon in 1997 — where Jewish survivors of 50 years earlier finally had their day in court.

It's also briefly mentioned here:

France has been recalcitrant in facing its Nazi complicity in the Vichy government, and in bringing war criminals to trial. The daughter of a Lutheran pastor, Beate Klarsfeld, has tirelessly hunted and hounded these criminals and individuals such as Klaus Barbie and Maurice Papon. Klarsfeld has insisted that there is no statute of limitation on murder. France’s powerful far-right leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen, was convicted last December for his often-repeated antisemitic rhetoric. The heroic DeGaulle myth of the universal resistance is giving way to nuanced reflections on the France of Vichy, Petain, Papon and Mitterrand.

and here

In 1982, I began work in the archives in France on what was at the time a little-researched topic: the behavior of the French towards Jewish people on French soil during the dark period known as "Vichy": 1940-44. At that time -- although 38 years had passed since the liberation of their country, the French themselves had preferred to leave the Vichy period largely unexamined, relying on various myths about the War years: the myth of "universal resistance" and (as to the Jewish population) the myth that the Vichy government -- led by Marshal Petain and Pierre Laval -- had somehow cleverly managed to save most of the "French" Jews by bartering foreign or stateless Jews to the Nazi overlords.

I went into the research with few preconceptions different from those held by my many French friends. As an admirer of France and its people -- an admiration I continue to feel strongly today -- I was conversant with a small group of films and stories that provoked my curiousity about those otherwise obfuscated war years.

Although unknown to me when I first entered the archives, there were already two or three books in 1982 on the subject. These suggested a less rosy history than that created and sustained by everyone from Charles de Gaulle to Francois Mitterrand. A three-volume work by a French historian named Joseph Billig used documents courageously compiled during the Occupation by the beleaguered Jewish community and stored in a superb Parisian documentary center called the Centre de Documentation juive contemporaine ("CDJC"); Billig's work, completed in 1960, indicated how pervasive was the responsibility of French governmental and non-governmental institutions for the victimization of the Jewish population on French soil. Furthermore, in his still comprehensive third volume, Billig meticulously studied the process of "aryanization" -- the legalized looting of Jewish property by the combined force of Nazi power and French public and private institutional initiative.

If any self-serving myths could have persisted into 1982 about French "resistance" or "protectiveness", they were definitively quashed by the contemporary work of two North American historians, Michael Marrus (U. of Toronto) and Robert Paxton (Columbia U.). Their book, Vichy France and the Jews (1981), buttressed the findings of an earlier classic by Paxton: France did the dirty work pretty much on its own, often anticipating and even out-doing the Nazis at the job of anti-semitism.

And still more here

In the months immediately after the liberation, more than ten thousand reputed French collaborators were purged in a frenzy of vigilante justice. "I witnessed these summary trials, and then the guys were taken immediately into the woods and executed," Lanzmann told me, adding, "So there was a purification that was very, very real." Then General de Gaulle dropped the curtain. He called a halt to the killings and declared, in effect, that France had been a nation of resistance. The Pétain regime was officially regarded as an alien germ that had been rejected by the true France, and "Vichy" became again the safe name of a popular mineral water. The myth of nearly universal resistance served the purposes of national unity, and the great majority of the people on either side of the Vichy divide recognized the expediency of believing in it.

It isn't hard to find these things if you try. Here's a Google search for starters.